My Canada includes rights of Indigenous Peoples.
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Showing posts with label Aboriginal. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Aboriginal. Show all posts

Saturday, March 19, 2011

Canada’s Struggle to Extinguish Aboriginal Title

Our connection to the Land is Sacred, it defines who we are as Peoples, it is our Aboriginal Title. Our laws and teachings bid us to honour and protect our connection to the Land. In the roots which bind our Peoples to the Land there is a life and a future for our Peoples.

Canada cannot understand our Sacred connection to the Land, our Aboriginal Title. It is “uncertain,” because it prevents Indigenous Peoples from viewing the Land as a commodity to be bought, sold or traded. From Canada’s perspective, our Aboriginal Title has to be changed, altered, and defined in a treaty so that it fits with Canadian laws and ideas about Land.

Canada’s strive for certainty reflects a desire that Indigenous Peoples assimilate into Canada, that we sever our connection to the Land. Canada asks that we dig up the roots connecting us to the Land and replant them through treaties. This lack of understanding and fear about our connection to the Land is what Canada strives to address through certainty.

For Indigenous Peoples, our Aboriginal Title and connection to the Land is certain, it is in the bones of our grandmothers buried in the earth, and in the blood which beats in our hearts:
Our Sacred connection to the Land is certain.

Our relationship with the Land, our Title, rests over every square inch of our traditional territories: Every rock, mountain top, stream, valley and tidal swell. This is certain.

Indigenous Peoples have the jurisdiction and responsibility to protect, access and use the Land and resources upon the Land for the benefit of our Peoples. This is certain.

Our own traditional laws and teachings grant us this certainty: As long as we maintain our Sacred connection to the Land we will continue to exist as Peoples.

Canada and B.C. have said that the purpose of treaties or modern land claims agreements is to achieve “certainty”. This booklet discusses the certainty provisions that have been suggested. In particular, a confidential document, “Certainty Summary”, which was drafted by the province.

The Certainty Summary gives a fairly clear indication of the certainty language Canada and the province will insist upon having in any treaties or land claims agreements they negotiate.

The purpose of “certainty” on the part of the federal and provincial governments is to “exhaustively and completely set forth” all aboriginal and treaty rights. Rather than simply accepting the existence of Aboriginal Title as ownership and jurisdiction over Land and resources, certainty limits and defines Aboriginal Title and Rights.

Aboriginal Title to lands and resources existed at the time that the Crown asserted sovereignty. This Title was never extinguished. This is why Crown title is uncertain and remains subject to Aboriginal Title.

There is an air of illegality about any transactions which the Crown makes or authorizes with respect to Lands and Resources. These transactions do not acknowledge that Indigenous Peoples own the Lands, and therefore violate the legal principle that “You cannot give that which you do not own.”

The Crown’s willingness to negotiate land claims requires a promise on the part of Indigenous Peoples that they will not fully practice their rights. Canada’s negotiating stance is: “We will recognize your rights, but only if you first tell us how you will exercise them, and only if you promise that your rights will not interfere with our interests.” This is certainty.

Canada’s sovereignty or ownership of Land and resources is not challenged, Canada does not have to “prove” its title. Indigenous Peoples do not get an equal promise that Canada will tell us how they will practice their rights, or that their rights will not interfere with our interests. Quite the opposite.

A modern land claim agreement is a contract between Indigenous People, Canada and the Province. Each party gives something in exchange for something. In order to gain “certainty” Canada and the Province are willing to grant a limited recognition of aboriginal title to a reduced portion of an Indigenous group’s traditional territory, in exchange for the release of all aboriginal title and rights not specifically set out in the Agreement.

Convert, Modify and Transform
The intent of the parties in achieving certainty is evident in the language proposed. Instead of the traditional “extinguishment” language (which used such phrases as “cede, release and surrender”) the language of treaties will be finessed so that it is not so blunt. Aboriginal title and rights will not be extinguished outright; Instead, they will be defined and limited out of existence. Achieving certainty will require that Aboriginal Title and Rights be “converted/modified/transformed/etc.” into treaty rights set forth in the Agreement.

Compare these definitions of the words used, all from Websters dictionary:

Extinguish, definitions include
1. “to bring to an end: to make an end of”;
2. “to reduce to silence or ineffectiveness”;
3. “to cause to be void: NULLIFY”; and
4. “to get rid of usually by payment”

Convert, definitions include
1. “to bring over from one belief, view, or party to another”;
2. “to change from one form or function to another”;
3. “to alter for more effective utilization”; and
4. “to appropriate without right”

Modify, definitions include
1. “to make less extreme: MODERATE”;
2. “to limit or restrict the meaning of…and”;
3. “to make basic or fundamental changes in often to give new orientation to or to serve a new end”

Transform, definitions include
1. “to change in composition and structure”; and
2. “to change in character or condition: CONVERT”
Certainty provisions will change all rights which aboriginal peoples have into contractual rights which have been reduced to writing, limited and defined. The impact of the proposed certainty provisions is to capture and tame aboriginal title and rights, and then place them in a cage constructed of words and legal provisions.
Certainty involves the re-definition and re-creation of aboriginal rights. This is done through clauses which
Ø convert and reduce all existing aboriginal or title rights of Indigenous Peoples’ into those contained within the Agreement;
Ø ensure that the Agreement will be the “full and final settlement” of all aboriginal title or rights;
Ø release all rights not listed in the Agreement to Canada; and
Ø exhaustively set forth all the Section 35 rights of the Indigenous group, including the manner of their exercise, and all the limitations to those rights on which the Parties have agreed.

There will be no aboriginal title or rights which survive their exclusion from the written Agreement. All aboriginal rights and title will be transformed to those of contractual or treaty-rights. Any stray rights which are not listed (for example, because of oversight, or because they were not thought of at the time of the Treaty) will not survive their exclusion from the Agreement. This means that if Canadian courts recognize new rights in the future (for example, a right to water or a commercial interest in wildlife) Indigenous groups who treaty will not be able to benefit from these rights.

Land claims agreements will be the Noah’s Arc of Aboriginal Rights: Any title or rights not on the arc and nailed down with words in the Agreement, at the time of the treaty will not survive. Aboriginal title and rights flow from the land and the historic relationship that Indigenous Peoples have had with our Lands. The legal language proposed for certainty will flood the land with Crown title and forever dam the flow of rights from the Land to the people. Crown title will replace aboriginal title. No title or rights will ever flow from the Land again. Instead, all rights will flow from the written Agreement.

Modern land claims agreements will create a double standard in which the interests of the federal and provincial Crowns and third parties are recognized. These rights will simply continue to exist, they will change and adapt over time, they will continue to live. There is no provision which releases all undefined rights or interests of Canada, B.C. or third parties to the Indigenous group. The rights of the Indigenous Peoples’, on the other hand, will be frozen and will not grow and adapt. If these rights are not written into the Agreement, they will no longer exist, they will be dead.

This is an example of how double standards will be cemented in modern land claims agreements. Crown title is perfected and recognized over all Lands, while Indigenous Title is extinguished from all areas not in the agreement.

These agreements are not fair or equal: there is no sharing. The Crown gets complete recognition of its sovereignty, its underlying title to our lands and the supremacy of its laws over our governments and People. Indigenous groups get limited recognition of title to reduced pieces of land, the right to co-manage resources (along with government and third parties interests) and self-government which is subject to Canadian and provincial laws.

Land claims agreements will explicitly contain recognition of all “third party” interests and that these are not impacted by aboriginal rights.

Interpretation: A different species of Section 35 rights
Although modern land claims will be acknowledged as treaty rights under Section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982 which “recognizes and affirms” existing aboriginal and treaty rights, they will be a different species of Section 35 right. The benefit of having rights recognized under Section 35 is that Canadian Courts have read Section 35 to protect Aboriginal peoples and their rights.

At present, under Section 35, courts interpret treaties so that
Ø ambiguous expressions in treaties are resolved in favour of the Indians;
Ø treaty provisions are given a fair, liberal and large interpretation;
Ø the honour of the Crown is assumed when interpreting treaties (Courts assume that the Crown intended to act honourably toward aboriginal peoples and with the best interests of the aboriginal peoples in mind, while entering treaties); and
Ø any suggestion of “sharp dealing” (unfair bargaining) is not sanctioned.
These principles of interpretation will be removed from modern treaties and therefore the protective features of Section 35 will not operate. Any common law rules with respect to aboriginal or treaty rights will be replaced by the provisions of the Agreement and it is anticipated that the federal government will need to pass legislation in order to override the common law rules.
Provisions in the new treaties which will remove common law protection may include:
Ø There will be no presumption that doubtful or ambiguous expressions or terms are to be interpreted in favour of any particular Party or Parties.

Ø The Indigenous group will agree that the Crown has no consultation obligations respecting the Section 35 rights of the Indigenous group other than those obligations set out in the Treaty.

Ø The Section 35 rights set out in the Treaty will be interpreted solely on the basis of the rights set out in the treaty, without any distinction based on whether the right is a [converted/modified/transformed/etc.] aboriginal right or a new treaty right.

Any common law rules which arise from aboriginal rights cases which impose a duty on the Crown to treat aboriginal rights in a certain way, will not apply if they are not set out in the Agreement. In Delgamuukw the Supreme Court suggested that the consent of the aboriginal peoples with title would be required before certain actions or measures could be taken if these actions would have the impact of interfering with aboriginal title and the traditional uses to which the Indigenous Peoples have put their lands.

The consent of an aboriginal group to actions regarding lands over which they have aboriginal title will not apply to the new treaties unless this is specifically set out in the agreement. And, in any case, the consent, or even involvement, of the aboriginal group will only apply to those specific tracts of lands identified in the Agreement. Under Delgamuukw, consultation, compensation and, possibly consent, are required for all lands which comprise the traditional territory and title lands of the Indigenous Peoples.

Although the rights recognized under the Agreement will be called Section 35 treaty rights, they will not be afforded the same protection as Section 35 rights held by other Indigenous Peoples. These are all eliminated through the wording of the Agreement and instead the legal rules surrounding contract interpretation will apply.

Reliance
The Agreements will set forth a broad number of “reliance” provisions in which the Indigenous group will agree to “indemnify” Canada and the province should any damage come to Canada or the province as a result of stray rights having survived the Agreement. This means that the Indigenous group agree to cover the financial costs to government in the event that they are sued as a result of the Agreement.
Federal and provincial legislation will be passed in order to pass this guarantee along to third parties. Federal legislation may also indemnify the province.

Who can treaty away aboriginal title?
Aboriginal title is a collective interest, which is held in trust by all members of an Indigenous Nation. As a collective interest held by each and every member of an Indigenous Nation, aboriginal title cannot be bargained or treatied away by anything less than the full consent of all the Indigenous Peoples who collectively hold this title. A majority vote (no matter how high the percentage) cannot give one group the ability to extinguish the title and rights of all of the Indigenous Peoples who hold title.

Canada and the province recognize the illegality of negotiating an agreement which purports to extinguish aboriginal title without the full consent of all of the Indigenous Peoples’ concerned. The collective nature of aboriginal title means that no Band or group of Bands/communities can treaty for Lands which belong to an entire Nation, or that no group of people within one Nation or Band/community has the right to treaty for the extinguishment of the aboriginal title and rights of those members of their Nation/community who do not give their full consent.

The legal uncertainty of the current process is heightened by the fact that Indigenous citizens are not fully or meaningfully involved or informed in the negotiations of modern land claims agreements. The collective nature of aboriginal title (which means that title is shared by all members of a Nation) creates an area of uncertainty about all treaties entered into without the full consent, knowledge and participation of each and every citizen of the Indigenous Nation. The same legal principle applies: “You cannot give that which you do not own.” No vote or ratification process is valid to authorize any group to enter into a treaty without the full consent of their people.
The province has proposed to deal with this area of uncertainty by exacting a legal promise from the Indigenous group that they have the right to enter into the Agreement on behalf of all of their people.

If individual Indigenous people do not agree with the terms of the Agreement and bring law suits in the future (claiming, for example, that parts of their traditional territories were not included in the settlement land, or that the Indigenous government had no right to extinguish their title over their traditional territory) the Indigenous group will agree that they will cover any costs to Canada and B.C. The result of this clause is that Indigenous peoples will be suing other Indigenous peoples and any dollar settlement will come from the Indigenous peoples themselves,not the government.

Compensation for Past Wrongs
Modern land claims agreements will represent the “full and final settlement” between the parties, including of past wrongs. The Indigenous group will agree not to pursue any legal claims against Canada or B.C. with respect to any past wrongs. The proposed wording is that
The Indigenous group will release Canada and British Columbia from any claims that it may have had prior to the Treaty regarding any interference or infringement of the Indigenous group’s Section 35 rights, and any claims under Canada’s “specific claims” policy.

The Supreme Court of Canada, in Delgamuukw, stated that aboriginal title has an economic component and that government will be liable to provide compensation in the event of an abrogation or breach of aboriginal title. This clause would preclude the Indigenous group from bringing any legal actions relating to compensation for the value of the lands and resources taken from their territories. Canada and the province will not have to pay compensation for their past extraction of resources (which is in the billions of dollars for most areas), or the spoilage of habitat, lands and resources which they have been responsible for. All past claims for compensation, and any future claims for compensation, are all reduced into the terms of the Agreement.

Breach
Modern land claims agreements will contain language in which all parties agree not to challenge the “validity or enforceability” of the Agreement. This means that if the Indigenous group in the future do not think that the Agreement was a fair deal, they have agreed not to go to Court to challenge it.

Certainty language will also require that the parties agree that if one or more parties breaches the agreement and do not keep the promises they made under the Agreement, the other Parties must keep their promises.
A breach of the Treaty by any Party will not relieve any other Party from its obligations under the Treaty.

Indigenous Peoples who have entered into treaties with Canada share the common complaint that Canada has steadfastly refused to honour the terms of the treaty or the promises it has made. Canada maintains that Indigenous Peoples have ceded their aboriginal title through treaties (and therefore that Crown title is absolute over those lands) while not honouring the promises which it made. This clause suggests that the Indigenous group may be forced to honour their agreements (ceding aboriginal title and rights to all areas not included under the Agreement) if Canada and B.C. do not honour the obligations they made. For example, if B.C. decides that it cannot afford to make the payments required under the treaty, or if it minimizes the co-management agreement provisions of the agreement, the Indigenous group will not get their lands and rights back.

Summary
The net impact of the “certainty” provisions sought by Canada and B.C. will be to create a double standard with regard to title and interests in the land. Canada, the province, and third parties have their rights and interests recognized and protected. These rights are not defined or in any way limited by the Agreement. The Indigenous group, on the other hand, have all of their rights reduced to the written word of the Agreement.

These certainty provisions are far more restrictive than any of the “extinguishment language” which has been used in other modern land claims agreements to date.

The goal of the Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs is to support the work of our people, whether at the community, nation or international level, in our common fight for the recognition of our aboriginal rights and respect for our cultures and societies. Our goal, the goal of the people, has been to give the aboriginal people of BC a voice strong enough to be heard in every corner of the world. Read other articles by Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs, or visit Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs's website.

Thursday, March 17, 2011

Where are the children BURIED? . . .
Truth and Reconciliation Commission looking into most horrible chapter of
painful residential schools saga
By: Alexandra Paul
Posted: 02/19/2011
http://www.winnipegfreepress.com/opinion/fyi/where-are-the-children-buried-116524718.html

No one knows how many children died in residential schools.
No one knows how many graves were dug for them.
And there is no peace without knowing.
Research at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission is underway to get
a grip on
the approximate number of missing children and unmarked graves at residential
schools in Canada, including on the Prairies.
Justice Murray Sinclair, chairman of the three-member commission, said the
tragedy of the missing children is a chapter that casts a deep shadow on the
saga of residential schools.
That children died and went missing isn't in dispute.
It's part of the record and the memory, such as the story Joe Harper recounted
of how his friend Joseph died in obscurity at the Cross Lake
residential school.
Fifty years on, it still rankles him.
"There was never a funeral for him," Harper said outside one of the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission tents set up to hear survivor accounts last June at
The Forks. "I don't even know how his parents ever found out."
One question likely to remain a mystery is how many Josephs were at the schools.
"We are, quite frankly, not going to be able to say how many children died in
the schools or say where they are all buried, and what happened to them after
they died," Sinclair said recently at the commission's downtown Winnipeg
offices.
Nevertheless, he said it's essential to tackle the issue as part of the
residential schools legacy.
To get the work done, the commission has hired Alex Maass, a former Indian
Affairs civil servant who is an anthropology expert on gravesites. This month,
Greg Younging, a professor of indigenous studies at the University of British
Columbia, was appointed assistant director of research. One of his jobs is to
oversee the Missing Children Project.
By the beginning of the 20th century, Canada's provincial governments were in
place, along with requirements for deaths to be reported as they occurred.
While residential school deaths may have been reported, there are few death
certificates attached to student files in old archives. Finding out what
happened to each child would involve matching church and government records to
Vital Statistics files.
"In order to properly document the children who died in the schools and where
they are located, you'd have to go through millions and millions of pages of
archival material," Sinclair said.
The commission isn't equipped to complete the herculean task.
Even then, there are too many gaps in the records to clear up every death and
every missing child.
The best the commission can do is try to identify the magnitude of the problem,
Sinclair said. "And once we have, there will be better information for a
decision to be made about what to do about it."
The commission hopes to have enough information to suggest further research and ways to commemorate the graves.
Survivors' accounts are part of the historical record and will be used in the research. Documents to corroborate those accounts are, not surprisingly, hard to find.
"We've heard stories from survivors that babies were born in the schools to mothers who'd been impregnated by teachers and by priests. They say their babies were taken away. They think their babies were killed," Sinclair said. "We don't know the extent to which that occurred, if at all."
Records show there was a practice followed when children died.
"The local principal of the school would make contact with the family and basically say, 'What do you want us to do with your child? He's dead. He drowned when he was running away or he died of disease.' Sometimes there was no effort made to contact the family. They just buried the child."
Depending on the era, there might be a few deaths per year or dozens.
John Milloy, author of National Crime, the most extensive book on Canadian residential schools, has said that reports dating back as far as 1907 show 24 to 42 per cent of children in some schools died of tuberculosis. He said nearly every school he knew of had a cemetery on the grounds.
Records cited in the commission's 2010 study on missing children contained very few references to those cemeteries.
With gaps and discrepancies like that, investigators have their work cut out for them.
"We need to be sensitive to the fact there is a great deal of misinformation and non-information out there," Sinclair said.
Google "residential schools" to get a glimpse of how the fate of missing children decades ago is a super-sensitive and sensational issue today.
Scores of sites pop up, referring to the Canadian Holocaust, in which 50,000 children died or disappeared. The figure is widely reported, but also considered likely a dramatic overstatement.
Many of the sites feature former United Church minister Kevin Arnett from British Columbia, the self-appointed crusader for families who lost children in residential schools. His contribution fuels a debate that's disturbing enough without potentially exaggerated claims.
Indian Affairs Minister Jim Prentice ordered a working group in 2008 to define the scope of the problem in the wake of Arnett's polarizing allegations and their impact on survivors.
The working group found that children had gone missing and graves were not uncommon. The issue was handed on to the commission.
"There are people out there able to take advantage of the mistrust between survivors and the government and maximize their fear and their anger," Sinclair said. "That means there can be no peace until there are some answers."
alexandra.paul@freepress.mb.ca

Thursday, August 19, 2010

'The duty to consult' ... Financial Post, National Post

'The duty to consult'

Julius Melnitzer, Financial Post · Wednesday, Aug. 18, 2010

Aboriginal rights issues are cutting a wide swath in the energy sector, touching everything from resource extraction to liquefied natural gas facilities, transmission lines and pipelines. So much so that one industry pundit has maintained that all of Canada's new supply sources for oil and gas have at some point been "tied up" with aboriginal rights claims.

Among the projects affected are the $50-billion oil sands development in Alberta, the $500-million Kitimat liquefied natural gas terminal project in British Columbia, and the Maritime pipelines project.

There's also the multi-billion-dollar Mackenzie Valley natural gas project on which may hinge the future of Canada's north. Originally expected to come online in 2007, it remains uncertain as to when gas will begin to flow.

Environmental concerns, political squabbling, cultural differences and divisions among the aboriginal groups became so acute that Imperial Oil stopped work in April 2005, citing "unreasonable demands" from the Deh Cho. The impasse ended later in the year, but only after the federal government promised $500-million to address aboriginal social and economic concerns.

The Supreme Court of Canada's "consultation trilogy" in 2004 and 2005 has been the prime catalyst for the emergence of aboriginal rights issues. The trilogy -- which consists of legal cases involving the Haida, Taku River Tlingit, and Mikisew Cree -- established that both federal and provincial governments had a duty to consult with aboriginal groups before making decisions that might adversely affect their asserted but unproven aboriginal rights.

"The duty to consult is triggered when the Crown knows or should know that its actions might affect constitutionally protected rights," says Wally Braul, an aboriginal and environmental lawyer at Fraser Milner Casgrain's Calgary office. "And the courts have made it clear that consultation is not just about blowing off steam. It's a results-oriented process that includes both information and response components focused on accommodating the competing interests at stake."

That means governments cannot -- without prior consultation -- grant or renew licences, leases or other privileges to third parties or take action on their own that could infringe on potential aboriginal rights. While governments can delegate the implementation of their duties to third parties in the private sector, the ultimate burden of ensuring that meaningful consultation occurs remains with the Crown. What is meaningful depends on the circumstances, including the strength of the aboriginal claim and the seriousness of the adverse effects on that claim.

"With the trilogy, resource harvesters became aware that aboriginal rights had a direct impact on the way they did business," says Tom Isaac, an aboriginal rights lawyer at Mc-Carthy Tetrault's Vancouver office.

Indeed, allocation of Crown rights and the development process proceed fairly simultaneously nowadays. Currently it is rare for Canadian governments to allocate resources without consideration of how the resource will be developed and whether the development will affect aboriginal rights.

In the real world, this means that the Crown off-loads the consultation process to those seeking the grants to access resources.

"Applicants requiring government approval for a permit or licence may not know if aboriginal consultation is required," says Ken Clark, an aboriginal lawyer at Lang Michener's Vancouver office. "They may also not know what aboriginal groups should be consulted; when the consultation should occur; what information they should provide; how long the consultation process might take; whether the consultation will result in approval; what changes might be required, and whether an approval, if granted, might be set aside by a court." So unless they get the right advice, project developers may find themselves on a slippery slope.

"In the last few years, the adequacy of the consultation process has been challenged in court by various aboriginal groups," Mr. Clark explains. "A frequent result is a determination that the consultation process was not adequate, and a direction that the Crown go back and consult some more."

Companies wishing to avoid dilemmas of this kind must make sure not only that they get the delegated consultation process working properly, but also that the Crown has done its job by putting a proper process in place.

"After all, the Crown bears the ultimate responsibility for ensuring that consultation occurs, but if the process is one that isn't fair and transparent and doesn't withstand judicial scrutiny, it's the developer who suffers the consequences," Mr. Isaac says.

The courts have made it clear that they would prefer to see some kind of policy guiding the consultation process, but governments have not been quick to respond.

"The feds tried and created some interim guidelines but they remained interim and are not generally followed," Mr. Clark says. "Alberta has made an effort but without much success. Earlier this summer, Saskatchewan did come up with guidance that looks reasonable and providesclarityandcomes closest to the kind of regulatory regime that the Supreme Court of Canada has been referring to in its decisions."

Meanwhile, the legal rulings are evolving rapidly.

"It's very important to align a project with the very latest guidance that comes from the courts," Mr. Braul says.


At the same time, First Nations' and other aboriginal groups are increasing their expectations and becoming more sophisticated in their approach to the issues. "It's no longer just a matter of respecting aboriginal rights and traditions," Mr. Isaac says. "Rightly or wrongly, there is a growing expectation of some form of economic benefit flowing from projects to First Nations."

The practical challenge for the resource and other sectors, then, is how to measure, manage and mitigate the risk in the consultation and accommodation process.

"Every jurisdiction in the country is different in its approach, every sector is different, and the First Nations, Metis and Inuit are all different in their approaches. So you're not going to get cookie-cutter answers, and that won't change until we get the kind of political leadership that will lend greater clarity to the process," Mr. Isaac says.

Read more: http://www.nationalpost.com/todays-paper/duty+consult/3411973/story.html#ixzz0x4aMrETB

Tuesday, January 19, 2010


Inuit ChildWhen the Vancouver 2010 Winter Olympic Games kick off next month, an Aboriginal symbol will be representing the event. The Games' logo is a contemporary inukshuk, a stone sculpture used by Canada's Inuit people as directional landmarks, which organizers say symbolizes friendship and hope. But hope is one thing many Aboriginal youth in Canada appear to lack, as suicide continues to occur at alarming rates, leading to crisis-like situations in some communities.
Suicide rates have declined in Canada through the years but not in Aboriginal communities, though there is great variation among communities. Suicide rates are five to seven times higher for First Nations youth than for non-Aboriginal youth, and rates among Inuit youth are among the highest in the world, at 11 times the national average. Some spectulate that the problem is actually worse, as stats don't usually include all Aboriginal groups.
Many factors may be contributing to these high rates, including isolation, poverty and lack of adequate housing, health care, social services and other basic amenities. The blog Sweetgrass Coaching, written by Richard Bull, also blames the pain and helplessness that resulted from colonization:
“You can’t understand Aboriginal suicide without looking at colonization. We, as Indigenous people, must realize that we did not have sky-high suicide rates before the European invasion (contact is too clean a word for what actually happened).
When Canadian society says we’re sick that’s like a psychopathic killer complaining to someone he’s tried to strangle repeatedly that she should do something about the marks on her neck and see a psychiatrist about her recurrent nightmares and low self-esteem.”
Specifically, some bloggers point to Canada's residential schools, a federally-funded system run by churches that removed Aboriginal children from their families and communities to help them assimilate into Euro-Canadian cultures. From the 19th century until the 1970s, more than 150,000 Aboriginal children were required to attend these Christian schools. It was later revealed that many of these children endured physical, emotional and sexual abuse. In June 2008, Prime Minister Stephen Harper apologized on behalf of the Canadian government and its citizens for the residential school system.
Anishinawbe Blog by Bob Goulais says the multi-generational effects of residential schools must not be underestimated.
“Many residential school survivors and their families have no identity beyond their church and what they learned in school. With no identity and without acceptance, they are banished to the margins of society. Although this generation might be more accepting – with access to more social programs and numerous political, legal and rights-based victories – the damage from the past generations has been done. Parents don’t know how to be parents. Families don’t know how to Love…
…For far too many youth, suicide is the ultimate way out. We’re seeing that more in more in remote, northern communities. This is truly the saddest commentary. I can’t imagine how bad life must be for a twelve year-old Cree boy to hang himself at the recreation centre swing-set. To not have the Love he needs… to not have hope. To know that he hasn’t been the first and he won’t be the last.”
To help combat suicide among Aboriginal youth, the Web site Honouring Life Network, funded by Health Canada, was launched in April 2008. It contains resources for youth and youth workers, a blog and personal stories from Aboriginal youth, among other things. In this personal story a young man talks about how his older brother's death led him to contemplate taking his own life.
“On the second anniversary of his death, I just couldn’t feel like missing him anymore. I got up really early in the morning and was walking to the picnic shelter by the lake. This other guy had hung himself there not long before. I felt like I wanted the lake to be the last thing I saw.
My neighbour was out though and started talking to me and I guess he could tell something was wrong. He kept talking to me and talking to me and then he woke up my parents. I never actually told them what I was going to do but they knew somehow. It was a big shock to all of us and it woke us up.
We started to get into the traditional healing; like my dad and I will do a sweat lodge with the other men. I’m not going to talk about that because it’s private. And my mom does the whole thing with burning sage and sweetgrass, which kind of stinks up the house but that’s okay I guess because she’s more like my mom again.”
Last fall, the Honouring Life Network announced a video contest, where Aboriginal youth were encouraged to submit a short video related to suicide prevention and awareness. The entries can be viewed on their YouTube channel; the winning entry is entitled “Choose life”:

Other youth are also working to help fight this growing problem. In 2006, Steve Sanderson, an Aboriginal youth cartoonist, wrote and illustrated a comic book called “Darkness Calls” to highlight suicide among Aboriginal youth. Revolving around a teen named Kyle, the story is also available as a video. In the blog Stageleft, the blogger discusses 12 other Aboriginal youth who are making a difference, and were rewarded for doing so, including his daughter Charlotte:
“I feel very safe in saying that not one of the 12 people on the stage lived the lives they have lived, or did the things that they have done, so they could get an award…Charlotte has been concerned with Aboriginal youth suicide rates, the rate of suicide in the Aboriginal community is many times higher than the national rate, and the rate of suicide within the Inuit community is the highest in Canada. To help bring attention to this she, and 4 other Aboriginal youth, walked from Duncan BC to Ottawa speaking at community centres, youth detention facilities, friendship centres, municipal councils, and to every politician that would listen to them.”
A 2009 UNICEF Canada report on Aboriginal children's health states that suicide intervention and prevention can only be successful by taking into account the interconnected relationships between culture, community and environment. Whatever the approach, the blog Rebel Youth says Aboriginal youth, like all Canadian youth, deserve a future.
“Over 50% of Aboriginal people are under 23. Canadian youth justified by being deep enraged by treatment of Aboriginal peoples by the Canadian ruling class; the attack on Aboriginal youth is an attack on all youth.
Aboriginal youth need a future. A future free from racism, a future with a good paying job, a future with land or proper compensation for land use. A future with rights to universal education right up to and including post-secondary education. A future with good housing. A future without racist police brutality and racial profiling. A future with a dream. A future that is a reality.”

Photo of Inuit Child by wili_hybrid on Flickr, Creative Commons.

3 comments


  • Suicide is not about dying, but about stopping the overwhelming pain that is associated with colonization.
    In Canada, we are currently into the fifth devastating wave of colonization. First, it was disease; secondly, relocation and the establishment of the reservation system; thirdly, the theft of rights and criminalization of culture; then, the residential school experience; and now, social services.
    Understanding that colonization is still happening and is not just part of our past is key to healing our communities from within.
    Thank you for your article.


  • This is a very interesting article, I relate it to indigenous cultures here in Mexico. The way they had to leave their own faith and beliefs to “enter a society”. It is sad that in the end they are not still a part of it.
    Thank you for your article!


  • The suicide statistic is something we learn in school and have to deal with, but its always to accept facts that are so disturbing.
    A well written and thoughtful description of some of the problems native Canadians face. Thanks Juhie.

Thursday, December 17, 2009

Vatican told bishops to cover up sex abuse

Expulsion threat in secret documents

[url=http://image.guardian.co.uk/sys-files/Observer/documents/2003/08/16/Criminales.pdf]Read the 1962 Vatican document (PDF file)[/url]

'These instructions went out to every bishop around the globe and would certainly have applied in Britain. It proves there was an international conspiracy by the Church to hush up sexual abuse issues. It is a devious attempt to conceal criminal conduct and is a blueprint for deception and concealment.'

* Antony Barnett, public affairs editor
* The Observer, Sunday 17 August 2003 01.27 BST

The Vatican instructed Catholic bishops around the world to cover up cases of sexual abuse or risk being thrown out of the Church. The Observer has obtained a 40-year-old confidential document from the secret Vatican archive which lawyers are calling a 'blueprint for deception and concealment'. One British lawyer acting for Church child abuse victims has described it as 'explosive'.

The 69-page Latin document bearing the seal of Pope John XXIII was sent to every bishop in the world. The instructions outline a policy of 'strictest' secrecy in dealing with allegations of sexual abuse and threatens those who speak out with excommunication.

They also call for the victim to take an oath of secrecy at the time of making a complaint to Church officials. It states that the instructions are to 'be diligently stored in the secret archives of the Curia [Vatican] as strictly confidential. Nor is it to be published nor added to with any commentaries.'

The document, which has been confirmed as genuine by the Roman Catholic Church in England and Wales, is called 'Crimine solicitationies', which translates as 'instruction on proceeding in cases of solicitation'.

It focuses on sexual abuse initiated as part of the confessional relationship between a priest and a member of his congregation. But the instructions also cover what it calls the 'worst crime', described as an obscene act perpetrated by a cleric with 'youths of either sex or with brute animals (bestiality)'.

Bishops are instructed to pursue these cases 'in the most secretive way... restrained by a perpetual silence... and everyone... is to observe the strictest secret which is commonly regarded as a secret of the Holy Office... under the penalty of excommunication'.

Texan lawyer Daniel Shea uncovered the document as part of his work for victims of abuse from Catholic priests in the US. He has handed it over to US authorities, urging them to launch a federal investigation into the clergy's alleged cover-up of sexual abuse.

He said: 'These instructions went out to every bishop around the globe and would certainly have applied in Britain. It proves there was an international conspiracy by the Church to hush up sexual abuse issues. It is a devious attempt to conceal criminal conduct and is a blueprint for deception and concealment.'

British lawyer Richard Scorer, who acts for children abused by Catholic priests in the UK, echoes this view and has described the document as 'explosive'.

He said: 'We always suspected that the Catholic Church systematically covered up abuse and tried to silence victims. This document appears to prove it. Threatening excommunication to anybody who speaks out shows the lengths the most senior figures in the Vatican were prepared to go to prevent the information getting out to the public domain.'

Scorer pointed out that as the documents dates back to 1962 it rides roughshod over the Catholic Church's claim that the issue of sexual abuse was a modern phenomenon.

He claims the discovery of the document will raise fresh questions about the actions of Cardinal Cormac Murphy-O'Connor, the head of the Roman Catholic Church in England and Wales.

Murphy-O'Connor has been accused of covering up allegations of child abuse when he was Bishop of Arundel and Brighton. Instead of reporting to the police allegations of abuse against Michael Hill, a priest in his charge, he moved him to another position where he was later convicted for abusing nine children.

Although Murphy-O'Connor has apologised publicly for his mistake, Scorer claims the secret Vatican document raises the question about whether his failure to report Hill was due to him following this instruction from Rome.

Scorer, who acts for some of Hill's victims, said: 'I want to know whether Murphy-O'Connor knew of these Vatican instructions and, if so, did he apply it. If not, can he tell us why not?'

A spokesman for the Catholic Church denied that the secret Vatican orders were part of any organised cover-up and claims lawyers are taking the document 'out of context' and 'distorting it'.

He said: 'This document is about the Church's internal disciplinary procedures should a priest be accused of using confession to solicit sex. It does not forbid victims to report civil crimes. The confidentiality talked about is aimed to protect the accused as applies in court procedures today. It also takes into consideration the special nature of the secrecy involved in the act of confession.' He also said that in 1983 the Catholic Church in England and Wales introduced its own code dealing with sexual abuse, which would have superseded the 1962 instructions. Asked whether Murphy-O'Connor was aware of the Vatican edict, he replied: 'He's never mentioned it to me.'

Lawyers point to a letter the Vatican sent to bishops in May 2001 clearly stating the 1962 instruction was in force until then. The letter is signed by Cardinal Ratzinger, the most powerful man in Rome beside the Pope and who heads the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith - the office which ran the Inquisition in the Middle Ages.

Rev Thomas Doyle, a US Air Force chaplain in Germany and a specialist in Church law, has studied the document. He told The Observer: 'It is certainly an indication of the pathological obsession with secrecy in the Catholic Church, but in itself it is not a smoking gun.

'If, however, this document actually has been the foundation of a continuous policy to cover clergy crimes at all costs, then we have quite another issue. There are too many authenticated reports of victims having been seriously intimidated into silence by Church authorities to assert that such intimidation is the exception and not the norm.

'If this document has been used as a justification for this intimidation then we possibly have what some commentators have alleged, namely, a blueprint for a cover-up. This is obviously a big "if" which requires concrete proof.'

Additional research by Jason Rodrigues

more ...
[url=http://www.google.ca/search?q=Crimine+solicitationies&ie=utf-8&oe=utf-8&aq=t&rls=org.mozilla:en-US:official&client=firefox-a][/url]

Thursday, February 19, 2009

"Community relations all important" Business, Aboriginal groups report
'Good things underway' between business, aboriginal groups: report Last Updated: Wednesday, February 18, 2009 | 5:48 PM ET CBC News Community relations is all important when companies deal with aboriginal communities in Canada, according to a report released Wednesday. The Canadian Council for Aboriginal Business analyzed dealings between 38 companies and aboriginal communities across the country. The analysis found that there are "good things underway" as businesses try to build positive working relationships. "Nothing else matters as much as productive and progressive community relations," Clint Davis, council president and chief executive officer, said in an interview on Wednesday. "Clearly, there is a perception that working with aboriginal communities can be overwhelming. You have three different groups — First Nations, Metis and Inuit — and within those groups, you have different languages, culture and circumstances." Davis said good community relations is the main ingredient common to all positive dealings between businesses and aboriginal communities within all three groups. He said the "good things" found by the report, include: Open and transparent communication, which involves companies gathering feedback on how their operations affect communities. Consultation that can lead to forming partnerships. A willingness to respect cultural differences. An understanding that all parties involved in the dealings need to benefit. For example, ESS/Compass Group Canada, which provides services to remote development projects, uses annual satisfaction surveys filled out by the chiefs in each community it operates to deal with concerns. And Syncrude, an oil sands development company that operates in northern Alberta, has established what it calls five "industry relations corporations in each of the aboriginal communities where it operates. The corporations include "standards of consultation" agreed to by both parties in each community, and provide forums to enable all parties to work together. The BMO Financial Group, in its dealings with aboriginal communities across the country, has an official policy not to use cultural images that have often been used in advertising aimed at aboriginal people. Depictions of eagles and feathers, for example, are prohibited in its advertising and promotional campaigns. The concern is that the use of sacred cultural symbols ultimately serves to reinforce stereotypes. All of the companies analyzed in the report took part in what the council calls its progressive aboriginal relations program, which was designed to encourage the full participation of aboriginal people in the Canadian economy. The company took part in the program between 2001 and 2008. Davis said the report found that money was not the most important factor in establishing good community relations. "In this economic climate, time and effort — not necessarily money — are the keys to establishing good relations."

http://www.cbc.ca/consumer/story/2009/02/18/aboriginal-business.html

Tuesday, February 17, 2009

Government policy created the myth of the "lazy Indian"
These people, once described as the “original affluent society” by anthropologists, now are the country’s poorest. It took a century of deliberate and careless policy by governments and industry to make them poor.
http://www.straight.com/article-201674/john-lutz-government-policy-created-myth-lazy-indian
Government policy created the myth of the "lazy Indian" By John Lutz Why, with all the resources the Canadian government pours into aboriginal communities, is the on-reserve Indian population among the most impoverished in Canada? Why do they rank poorest in Canada across the main measures of physical health (life expectancy, HIV/AIDS infection, diabetes rates) or social health (education, incarceration, suicide, substance abuse)? The government has tried its best and failed, and so it seems to many of us that the problem must lie with the aboriginal people themselves. The phrase “lazy Indian” rises into our minds, even if we are afraid to say it out loud. The stereotype of the “lazy Indian” starts early in the history of European colonization and is one of the most powerful and persistent. It is also one of the most perverse characterizations of a population that considered laziness to be one of the worst faults. A close look at our history shows that aboriginal people have historically been eager to work and that the poverty in so many First Nations communities is a phenomenon brought on by deliberate and inadvertent government policies over the past 60 years. It is well known that the first Europeans here wanted furs and traded them from aboriginal people. It is not well known that aboriginal people welcomed the traders, and in many cases, like the Lekwungen, helped build trading posts like Fort Victoria. It is even less known that aboriginal people were the first gold and coal miners in the province. The first coal mine in British Columbia, near present-day Port Hardy, was entirely worked over several years by the resident Kwakwaka’waka people. The next mine, at Nanaimo, depended on Sne ney mux men to keep it going. The first commercial fishermen and loggers in the colonies were aboriginal workers, and when the salmon-canning industry boomed in the 1880s, Native women canned the fish in industrial canneries from the Fraser River to the Nass, while their husbands caught the fish. The first modern sawmill in B.C. was built at Port Alberni in 1862, and over half the 200 to 300 workers were Nuu-chah-nulth men. The big sawmills established in the 1860s on Burrard Inlet employed “runaway sailors and Indians”, according to mill manager R.H. Alexander, used Squamish longshoremen, and bought their logs from the Sechelt people. Through the 19th century, aboriginal people worked as farmers and farm workers, stevedores and ships’ crew, and helped build the roads, railways, and public buildings. Franz Boas, the famous anthropologist, wrote in 1886 that “Almost all the labour of the province is done by Indians and Chinese” and all agreed that aboriginal people were well off—richer even than many whites. The 20th century has been hard on aboriginal people. The explosion of immigrants created new competition for jobs they used to hold and racism gave preference to the whites. With the immigrants came laws that deprived the majority aboriginal population of the vote, and confined them to reserves and inferior education. Without the vote, it was easy for white politicians and bureaucrats to discriminate against aboriginal people in issuing fishing licenses, logging permits, and grazing and water rights. They could not study law or operate many businesses. Other laws curtailed Native fishing for food to save salmon for the canneries, and hunting to protect game for sports hunters. The Indian agents warned their bosses of the consequences: “the game regulations...worked a great hardship on the Indians and thrown them more or less on relief [welfare]”. When labour was short during the wars, aboriginal people were again hired everywhere and were again pushed out when the soldiers came home; but after World War II it was no longer possible to live off the land. Until the 1950s, per-capita expenditure for social assistance or “welfare” for Indians was a fraction of that of other Canadians. By the 1970s, it was much higher and a generation of aboriginal children had grown up as “welfare Indians”. Today, there is enormous diversity between the poorest and richest in aboriginal communities, and between aboriginal communities, some of which are vibrant, healthy, and economically “comfortable”. But in many communities there are now several generations who have grown up in the welfare trap, with all the accompanying social problems that poverty brings. These people, once described as the “original affluent society” by anthropologists, now are the country’s poorest. It took a century of deliberate and careless policy by governments and industry to make them poor. It will take a new approach by government and all British Columbians to help them back to social and economic health. John Lutz is an associate professor of history at the University of Victoria, and the author of the new book Makúk: A New History of Aboriginal-White Relations.

Saturday, February 14, 2009

Journalists fail First Nations

By Christopher Clarke

News, by its very definition as an event outside of the ordinary, runs contrary to the best interest of First Nations people because it perpetuates well-established negative stereotypes of Aboriginal Peoples. And because this basic tenant of journalism is contrary to First Nations interests, and because journalists are, in the most part, ignorant of the historical and sociological contexts of First Nations issues, journalists have failed in providing adequate and complete coverage Aboriginal Peoples and their communities.

The situation in many First Nation communities is dismal, to say the least. We have all heard the stories of unsafe water, higher than average rates of suicides, alcoholism, drug addiction and abuses to numerous to mention. This is considered "ordinary" by most Canadians because it is what they are used to hearing about native peoples and their communities. It therefore takes an event bordering on catastrophe for a journalist to cover an issue within "Indian country." Of course, this steady stream of near catastrophic events only serves to reinforce the negative stereotypes that already exist of Aboriginal Peoples in the minds of Canadians.

What is not reported is as important, if not more so, than what is reported. As a student of journalism and a card-carrying Indian, I am constantly at odds with my chosen profession. While more native journalists working within mainstream media would help provide more complete and truthful coverage of aboriginal communities, simply having more native journalists will not solve the basic problems that exist with journalism as a whole. Journalists need to educate themselves as to the history and societal context in which First Nations exist, and they have failed to do so. This is not a failure only of journalism, but of mainstream society as well.

Journalists, while charged with reporting as an impartial observer of events, are still a product of the society that educated and informed their way of thinking. Even aboriginal people themselves are sometimes held hostage by the negative stereotypes perpetuated by mainstream society and its institutions.

The responsibility of a journalist is to recognize this and work to remedy the negative stereotyping of "the Indian". For too long, journalists have concentrated almost solely on the third world conditions of our communities, without reporting the positives. There are First Nations people who have, despite the conditions of their environment, succeeded in bettering their own lives, and the lives of those around them. There are communities that are socially, economically and politically healthy, but seldom receive any coverage for the progress they make. What is needed is a sustained, conscientious focus by journalists on the people who are our First Nations, and the successes that have they have enjoyed.

There is also more to the media's responsibility to Aboriginal Peoples than simply what is reported. There is also the question of how. Because non-native people are so far removed from the reality of aboriginal life in this country, sometimes the only perspective of First Nations people comes from mainstream media. Without reporting the historical and sociological context in which these stories exist, it is impossible to adequately, even truthfully, tell the stories of First Nations people.

Sunday, February 01, 2009

Rights of Indigenous Peoples of Canada

Pathways to an ethic of struggle (Taiaiake Alfred)

Canadian Dimension Magazine, January/February 2007 Issue

My discovery of what colonization really is took a long time in coming. It took a long time because you can’t understand the impact of these powerful forces of disconnection upon our people until you work within this system and try to make change. That’s the reason why this understanding is the sum of my own political experience, my lived experience. But it took a really intense effort over the past ten or twelve years to come to an intellectual understanding of it, and really to find a way to articulate it.

Lack of Self-Government?

In my first book, I wrote that the problem was a lack of self-government. Back then, that’s the way the problem of colonization was defined. It’s still the dominant discourse in Native communities.

But from the personal perspective of a person from Kahnawake and a person who has travelled and talked to a lot of Native people who still have a commitment to our ancestors’ objectives and to the values and principles of living like an indigenous person in a modern era what I found was this: Self-government isn’t enough. In fact, it is a kind of Trojan horse for capitalism, consumerism, individualism.

So, in my own path, I shifted political affiliations. I had managed to work my way up from a measly researcher/coffee go-getter for guys like Billy Two Rivers and Joe Norton, guys who I still really respect and learned a lot from. I worked my way up to senior advisor on land and governance, and I had started taking on a lot more responsibility. But when you come to the realization that it’s taking you in a direction not consistent with the direction that your ancestors would have you go you have a choice to make and it’s this: Do I embark on a different pathway? Or do I remain on this pathway, but compromise my idea of what it is to be a Mohawk?

Now, anybody who knows the language, the ceremonies, the teachings anybody who has heard traditional elders talk about what it is to be a Native person they are all very, very clear about your responsibilities, your roles, your relationship to the land, your relationship to one another. Those lessons are so, so profound and so clear when you hear them, and they are taught to us over and over and over again. So, when you are on this pathway, you find yourself coming to the point where you have to give up what you’ve accomplished your position, your salary, your consulting fees.

And you have to re-imagine what the elders would have wanted you to do.

Heeding the Voices of the Ancestors

So, I titled my next book, Heeding the Voices of Our Ancestors. This was because I found myself reinterpreting the voices of my ancestors rather than heeding the voices of the ancestors. I figured it’s time to get out of that business.

Luckily for me, I had a day job, teaching in a university. I realized that teaching affords a person a lot of insulation in terms of freedom of movement and thought. You have a job and you have a means to sustain yourself that’s not dependent upon the political structure that you’re working with at any one time. So, taking advantage of that shifted directions a little bit.

The book was an exploration of what it would be to be a traditional leader today. I really took my task seriously, saying to myself: “If I listen to all the teachings, if I listen for hours and hours and if I read as much as I can, and if I put as much intellectual energy as I have and try and understand what it is to be, in our language, a chief which literally translates as ‘a good man’ how would I do that today?”

And what I found it involves is a traditional ceremony from the Mohawk, from the Iroquois culture actually, Haudenosaunee culture. It’s the condolence ceremony when a chief passes away or a clan mother passes away. A new one is raised up and there’s a whole cycle of ceremonies where different elements of leadership are brought to this person. This is all done through songs, teaching and speeches.

A Revival of Traditional Forms of Government

Of course, that led me to a second level: It isn’t enough just to have space; you need to fill it up with something indigenous. The answer I came to is, that what we need to do is this: We need to revive our traditional forms of government. We need to raise up the long house again, so to speak; we need to raise up those chiefs, those clan mothers; we need to rebuild the long house. We need to restore our traditional forms of government. It’s a dominant theme in Native communities that traditional government is the antidote to the corruption, to the abuse of power, to the disempowerment of our communities.

But there’s a fundamental problem there, too. The fundamental problem is that our people are not the same as they were a hundred or two hundred years ago, when these traditional governments were functioning in their full power and their full capacity. In saying this, I am not pointing fingers. I’m more looking in the mirror and looking at my family, my friends and everybody I know. I don’t think anybody would disagree that our people collectively today have been weakened by colonization. Our language, our culture, our understanding of history, our sense of trust, our wholeness, our relationships, the power that we possess as individuals and as family, the ability to work together, the unity that we had that is the foundation of everything for our people our understanding of our relationship to nature, our communication with the spirit world.

In all these ways we really have lost a lot.

Yet the systems of government that we’re trying to bring forward and raise up again as traditional forms of government are crucially dependent on the very things we lack today. So, it’s not enough to call for traditional government. It started to dawn on me that the problem really is the way we have been de-cultured as a people. We’ve been disconnected from who we are as a people, from the sources of our strength and our very survival: land, culture, community. Those things have been broken, or nearly so, by colonization.

In my view, that’s really the root of the problem. Colonization is a process of disconnecting us from our responsibilities to each other and our respect for one another, our responsibilities and our respect for the land, and our responsibilities and respect for the culture. It’s that simple and that profound. It took me fifteen years to work it through. I went through the educational system and the political system. Some people might say, you should have just opened your ears and listened when the elders told you that to begin with. But I was 24, and I didn’t really listen that well. I had to learn from experience and go down those other pathways to figure out what the problem was.

Modernity and Aboriginal Identity

The eventual solution the one with integrity for our people is one that allows us to remain indigenous and still engaged with modern society. That’s the hope.

more ...

http://canadiandimension.com/articles/2007/01/04/826/

Wednesday, December 31, 2008

Happy New Year? Why does Canada exist? Most of our entertainment and culture comes from the U.S. All of our resources are pre-sold to the U.S. and defended by US armed forces when necessary. We lay claim to "Koo-roo-coo-coo-coo-coo-coo-coo? Koo-roo-coo-coo-coo-coo-coo-coo!", and rest sublime in our thermal snowsuits quaffing cold beer(s) and delighting in being 'Canadian'. We argue for a bigger piece of the pie for our region, and deride other regions as 'greedy' or 'parasites', while not even rising from our snowsuits and beer for any more than a dismissive grunt. And while we mice are playing our squabble games, the US looks on ... and plants seeds of factionalism ... and waits ... Oh yes, I believe there is a shakeup coming. I believe we'll have to decide whether Canada's tenuous existence is worth the trouble. We'll have to decide whether to share Canada's resources with the Indigenous Nations from whom they are stolen. Hint: The Supreme Court says we must. There is no doubt in my mind that there will be those in Canada who will say "NO", and will cast their lot with the US to defend 'their' oil ... and gold ... and uranium (etc.) resources. After all, in 'Canada' we revere those who rip the earth apart looking for money. Peter Munk of Barrick Gold just got the Order of Canada for doing just that, destroying not only Canada's ecology but the environments of several other countries, and the rights of Indigenous Peoples who fight to protect the land, here and abroad:
Canadian-owned Barrick Gold, the world's largest gold producer, is exploring, building and operating huge, open-pit gold mines on nearly every continent on the planet. On May 2, 2007, CorpWatch in the US published a report detaiing the operations of Barrick gold in nine different countries, focusing on the efforts on the part of the communities to seek justice from this powerful multinational.
http://www.miningwatch.ca/search.php?query=Barrick+Gold&action=search
Where to now Canada? Are Canadians truly nothing more than a docile labour force to serve the foreign 'resource extraction' industries? Is that the true raison d'etre of the puppet corporation called 'Canada'? An 'industry' that does not own what it takes, but extracts in haste ahead of the UN and Supreme Court judgments that clarify the laws of Indigenous Rights? Is that "the true north strong and free" that we defend? Do we care?

Saturday, December 27, 2008

Enlightenment Racism

Michael Nenonen

November 12, 2008

(from The Republic)

The belief that other societies were “less evolved” than European civilization was used to justify European domination of the globe. This domination was portrayed as the “White Man’s Burden”, the noble responsibility of the Enlightened West to drag backwards people into a beneficent modernity. In doing so, Enlightenment ideologies prevented Europeans from perceiving their own nihilistic brutality.

In an August 9, 2008 interview with La Presse, VANOC board member Dick Pound addressed the issue of human rights and the Beijing Olympics: “We must not forget that 400 years ago,” Pound said, “Canada was a land of savages, with scarcely 10,000 inhabitants of European descent, while in China, we're talking about a 5,000-year-old civilization.”

The statement upset a lot of people, but not Globe and Mail columnist Margaret Wente. In her October 25, 2008 column, Wente wrote that while Pound was stupid to say what he did, his point was fundamentally correct. Drawing upon an as-yet unpublished book by Frances Widdowson and Albert Howard entitled Disrobing the Aboriginal Industry, Wente wrote that “North American native peoples had a neolithic culture based on subsistence living and small kinship groups. They had not developed broader laws or institutions, a written language, evidence-based science, mathematics or advanced technologies. The kinship groups in which they lived were very small, simply organized and not very productive. Other kinship groups were regarded as enemies, and the homicide rate was probably rather high. Until about 30 years ago, the anthropological term for this developmental stage was ‘savagery.’... Today, however, it is simply not permissible to say that aboriginal culture was less evolved than European culture or Chinese culture – even though it's true.”

Wente believes that guilt prevents non-Aboriginals from acknowledging the savagery of pre-contact First Nations people: “We robbed and mistreated aboriginal people for a very long time, and most of us feel terrible about it. Yet, Ms. Widdowson believes this denial of reality is extremely damaging. It dooms hundreds of thousands of native Canadians and their descendants to lives that remain isolated from the modern world, without the skills and aptitudes they need to make their way in an increasingly complex society. The message they get is that they need not, and should not, change. But a neolithic culture cannot possibly give them a future. And it's time for us to face that.”

Wente is shockingly ignorant of some basic facts. Anthropologists discarded the word “savage” because of its ugly moral connotations. According to my Oxford Dictionary, the word can be used as an adjective to mean fierce, cruel, wild, angry, and bad-tempered, or as a noun to describe a person with these unpleasant qualities. The Dictionary describes its use to refer to “primitiveness” or “primitive people” as “archaic offensive”: that is, it’s both obsolete and rude. The term doesn’t describe, it condemns, and in the case of Aboriginal people it condemns unfairly.

Wente seems unaware that modern anthropologists overwhelmingly reject the Social Darwinian idea that societies “evolve” towards some predetermined end-point. Even in biology, where the word has some meaning, evolution is simply a process by which organisms change over the course of generations in relation to their shifting environmental pressures. Evolution lacks any kind of teleological purpose, any kind of goal. Wolves aren’t “more evolved” than coyotes: their species have simply evolved differently. If evolution applies at all to human societies, then it does so only in the sense that societies change over time in response to various pressures. It’s a sign of profound anthropological illiteracy to say that four centuries ago the cultures of Europe were any more evolved than those of the Americas.

Furthermore, anthropologists like Claude Levi-Strauss have demonstrated conclusively that the cultures of Indigenous peoples are remarkably intricate. Culture is like language: just as the languages of Indigenous peoples are as sophisticated as those of colonial peoples, so are their cultures. This holds true regardless of the scale, complexity, and technological development of their forms of social organization. Once you know what to look for, you can find extraordinary sophistication throughout Aboriginal cultures.

Consider the tribal masks of the First Nations people of the Pacific Northwest. Levi-Strauss has shown that these masks formed part of a system of structured differences that transcended individual tribal groups. The Dzonokwa mask of the Kwakiutl, for example, is an inversion of the Swaihwe mask of the Salish: whereas the Swaihwe is typically white, the Dzonokwa is painted black. While the Dzonokwa has animal hair and a fur cloak, the Swaihwe has a feather crown. The Dzonokwa’s eyes are half-closed and deeply sunken into their sockets, while the Swaihwe has protruding cylindrical eyes. Whereas the lower jaw of the Swaihwe hangs low, allowing a tongue to protrude through the mouth, the Dzonokwa mouth is rounded in a way that prevents any protrusion of the tongue. Finally, where the Dzonokwa represents an anti-social monster that threatens the biological continuity of the social group, the Swaihwe represents the founding ancestors of the highest lineages of Salish society, the embodiment of the biological continuity of the social order.

Levi-Strauss writes that “The masks do not have a single meaning. Rather, like condensed dream images, they are the result of multiple series of semantic associations that relate to their specific cultural contexts.” (The Way of the Masks, 1975) Taken together, the many masks of Pacific Northwest tribes form an extraordinarily complex network of associations linked to the mythologies, social structures, and economic systems of the peoples that design them. The masks, in other words, are like a kind of language. To the uninformed eyes of someone like Wente, however, they’re probably little more than an unrelated bunch of funny faces.

Reading Wente’s column, I was reminded of how insidious racism can be in Canada. Canadians are rarely exposed to histrionic expressions of racism so commonly seen in the United States, and which were so glaringly displayed during the 2008 Presidential campaign. Instead, Canadian racism takes the form of “common sense”. This isn’t unusual: historically, injustice has often been rationalized by whatever was the common sense of the times. The common sense underlying Wente’s position can be traced back to the European Enlightenment.

The Enlightenment holds an honoured place in Western cultural history. It was because of the Enlightenment, so the story goes, that the forces of reason rose up against the tyranny of superstition and ignorance. The Enlightenment challenged the arbitrary powers of the church and the nobility, and made possible for the first time the development of societies governed by science and rationality. Our modern world’s major political and economic ideologies, both on the left and the right, are legacies of the Enlightenment. Unfortunately, not all legacies are benign.

The Enlightenment divided humanity into two camps: the rational, who were the torchbearers of a utopian future, and the irrational, those who would douse the fire beneath the filth and stupidity of the past. It was the moral duty of the former to “enlighten” the latter by whatever means were required.

This belief was common among major Enlightenment figures and their intellectual progeny. In Black Mass: Apocalyptic Religion and the Death of Utopia, (2007) John Gray writes that “Voltaire subscribed to a secular version of the pre-Adamite theory advanced by some Christian theologians that suggested that Jews were pre-Adamites, remnants of an older species that existed before Adam was created.” In Observations on the Feeling of the Beautiful and the Sublime (1764), Immanuuel Kant wrote that “The Negroes of Africa have by nature no feeling that rises above the trifling.” In On Liberty (1859), John Stuart Mill described China as a stagnant civilization: “…they have become stationary—have remained so for thousands of years; and if they are ever to be improved it must be by foreigners.” Karl Marx, meanwhile, felt that colonial rule in India was a useful means for overcoming the torpor of village life. Gray writes that “Whether the disabilities of other peoples were innate (as was believed in the case of Africans) or due to cultural backwardness (as was supposed to be true of Asians), the remedy was the same. All had to be turned into Europeans, if necessary by force.”

These philosophers added something completely new to the cultural landscape: “Before the Enlightenment, racist attitudes rarely aspired to the dignity of theory. Even Aristotle, who defended slavery and the subordination of women as part of the natural order, did not develop a theory that maintained that humanity was composed of distinct and unequal racial groups. Racial prejudice may be immemorial, but racism is a product of the Enlightenment.”

Margaret Wente defends Dick Pound’s description of First Nations people as “savages” because she buys into the Enlightenment belief that cultures evolve from immoral and ignorant anarchy through various stages in which the human potentials for art and science, politics and economics achieve ever-higher levels of expression. This belief conveniently places modern Western civilization at the pinnacle of human development: all other societies are, in this scheme, at best trying to catch up.

The belief that other societies were “less evolved” than European civilization was used to justify European domination of the globe. This domination was portrayed as the “White Man’s Burden”, the noble responsibility of the Enlightened West to drag backwards people into a beneficent modernity. In doing so, Enlightenment ideologies prevented Europeans from perceiving their own nihilistic brutality.

In Canada, as well as throughout much of the world, European domination imposed commercial economies upon subsistence-based tribal societies. Indeed, commercial societies, which depend on unlimited growth, are economically driven to expropriate the resource base of subsistence-based economies. Anthropologist John H. Bodley, in Victims of Progress (1989), shows that whenever this happens, subsistence peoples are violently subjugated. Their economies are destroyed and their lands’ resources become raw materials for the industrial machine. Even if they aren’t enslaved, the survivors are left destitute, traumatized, and excluded from the power structures of the new society. Many, of course, don’t survive at all.

Bodley estimates that between 1780 and 1930 tribal populations worldwide fell by 30-50 million people. These figures don’t include the rapid population loss that occurred in the centuries immediately following European colonization of the Americas. Bodley writes that prior to contact with Europeans, the tribal population of North America was approximately 7,000,000, while the tribal population of Lowland South America was 8,500,000. At their lowest point after colonization, these numbers had fallen to 390,000 and 450,000 respectively. Bodley’s figures may be conservative: Scholars like W.E.B. DuBois, Walter Rodney, Cheik Anta Diop, Joseph Inikori, and Basil Davidson estimate that the European slave trade alone was responsible for the loss of between 50 and 100 million African lives.

While she makes passing mention of the exploitation of First Nations people in Canada, Wente ignores the way that the Enlightenment beliefs that she espouses helped legitimize that exploitation. To take the most obvious examples, Canada’s residential schools were designed to “kill the Indian in the Indian”, to strip Aboriginal people of their language, culture, and religion in order to assimilate them into what was viewed as an inherently superior Canadian society.

The schools tried their hardest to murder the inner Indian, and in doing so they decimated the matrix of traditional beliefs, practices, and relationships that helped First Nations people cope with the anguish of the human condition, the feelings of grief and guilt, fear and despair that threaten all of us with psychological and social disintegration. According to a report prepared for the Law Commission of Canada by Rhonda Claes and Deborah Clifton (Institutional Child Abuse: Needs and Expectations for Redress Of Victims of Abuse at Native Residential Schools, 2002), children as young as four were beaten with wooden boards, sticks and pointers, whips, studded belts, and leather and rubber straps--straps that sometimes had tacks, nails, or wires embedded in them. Some children had needles pushed through their tongues. Some were burned and scalded. Electrical shock devices were used on physically restrained children. Kids were sometimes beaten into unconsciousness; blood was drawn, bones were broken. The sick were occasionally made to eat their own vomit. Children were locked in closets, publicly strip-searched, and forced to parade wearing soiled bed sheets over their heads. They were denied contact with their parents, and had no recourse to anyone who could conceivably protect them. In addition to these punishments, the children suffered from gross physical neglect. The schools were poorly designed. Ventilation, heating, and plumbing were typically inadequate, and the children lacked decent medical care. Diseases like tuberculosis spread fast through the student population. A 1907 report by Dr. Peter Bryce, a former Medical Inspector for the Department of Indian Affairs, announced that students in these schools had an average death rate of 30%. Many of the children who died in the residential schools were buried in unmarked graves. These institutions surely met the moral criteria for “savagery”, even if the students who attended them didn’t. Wente writes about the exploitation of First Nations people in the past tense, but the abuse is ongoing. The collective trauma inflicted by the residential schools over the course of generations makes it much harder for Aboriginal people to organize, with whatever meager resources remain at their disposal, to defend their interests against the predation of wealthy corporations and their quisling governments. It is the structurally-imposed disadvantages they encounter in defending their interests that are responsible for the marginalization of Aboriginal people in Canadian society, and not what Wente derides as their “neolithic culture”.

Those interests are under constant threat. To take only one case, the Alberta government has allowed resource industries to ravage the traditional territory of the Lubicon Cree, a people whose land claims have never been resolved, who lack even a single reserve to call their own, and who live in abject poverty. The Lubicon aren’t being compensated for the damage done to their resource base, damage so severe that the water from the Athabasca River is now unsafe for human consumption. Fish from the river often have tumours, and moose in the area are so sick they can’t be eaten. The United Nations Human Rights Committee (UNHRC) issued rulings in 1990 and 2005 in defence of the rights of the Lubicon, demanding that the Alberta government consult the Lubicon “before granting licenses for economic exploitation of the disputed land, and ensure that in no case such exploitation jeopardizes the rights recognized under the [International] Covenant [on Civil and Political Rights].” The government has thus far ignored these entreaties. Similar abuses are being inflicted upon First Nations people across Canada.

The Enlightenment’s unsavoury legacies continued into the Twentieth Century, and their ill effects spread far beyond Indigenous populations. In I Don’t Believe in Atheists (2008), Chris Hedges argues that the Enlightenment was, and continues to be, an expression of millennialism, the myth of collective moral progress: “The dangerous myth that confuses moral progress with material progress permits us to believe that we have discovered a way out of the human predicament. It places faith in an empowered elite to guide us toward a new world. Science increases not only our power to protect life and encourage virtue, but also our capacity to inflict death and destruction. The industrial slaughter and genocides of the past century were all products of the Enlightenment and their satellite ideologies, from liberal imperialism to communism to fascism. All preached collective moral progress through exploitation, repression and violence. All were utopian. And all unleashed science and technology, in the service of war and profit, to kill human beings on a scale unseen in human history. The Enlightenment vision, because it renders all other values subservient to reason and science, allows us to divide the human species into superior and inferior breeds. It sanctifies inhumane abuse of the weak to push the human race forward. This corruption was built into the Enlightenment from its inception. The Enlightenment may have encouraged an admirable humanism, but it also led to undreamt-of genocide and totalitarian repression.”

It’s this myth of collective moral progress that makes Wente’s views so attractive. By persuading us, despite all the evidence to the contrary, that we’re progressing from moral savagery towards something better, it makes us feel a little more secure, a little more confident about the future. It gives us a sense of righteousness, of a privileged place in the evolutionary order, and diverts our attention from the grotesque cruelty of our civilization.

It seems clear that modern civilization isn’t morally superior to the cultures of Aboriginal peoples, but how about our other measures of progress, such as our scientific and technological achievements? The question must be asked: what are we progressing towards? Once we factor in global resource depletion, climate destabilization, the chemical pollution of our ecosystems, cascading economic disasters, and the increasing ease with which we create and disperse weapons of mass destruction, it seems that we aren’t heading to the stars, but rather marching over the edge of a cliff. Subsistence societies endured for many millennia, but for all we know our industrial civilization may well have a lifespan of only a few centuries.

We like to think otherwise; indeed, to the degree that we’re committed to Enlightenment mythology, we have to think otherwise, regardless of the evidence. To abandon the faith is to confront the horrors our civilization has wrought—horrors like the Trail of Tears, Passchendaele, Auschwitz, and Hiroshima—without any ideological anaesthesia. But as long as we hold onto the faith we blind ourselves to the evils we inflict upon others; indeed, we blind ourselves to reality. Paradoxically, it’s only when we give up the belief in collective moral progress that we have any hope of acting morally. It’s only then that we begin to take responsibility for our own moral limitations and to strive to develop empathy for those who seem radically different from ourselves. It’s only then that we stop seeing savages where there are only people, and start taking the savagery in our own hearts and in our own cultures seriously.

My Canada includes rights of Indigenous Peoples.
LOVE IT OR LEAVE IT!
Peace.

Two Row Wampum Treaty

Two Row Wampum Treaty
"It is said that, each nation shall stay in their own vessels, and travel the river side by side. Further, it is said, that neither nation will try to steer the vessel of the other." This is a treaty among Indigenous Nations, and with Canada. This is the true nature of our relationships with Indigenous Nations of 'Kanata'.